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Babangida: Inside the book of a ‘born-again’ general

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Babangida: Inside the book of a ‘born-again’ general

 

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Understanding Nigerian society and her people has been a herculean task. The more you try to dissect and understand it, the more unclear and confusing it becomes. However, one way of understanding the sociology of power and politics of governance in Nigeria is a sociological analysis of the autobiographies of former presidents or heads of state.

The latest, A Journey in Service, comes from retired General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, nicknamed ‘Maradona’ and ‘evil genius’. Since its public presentation, IBB’s book continues to elicit interpretations of the context and the contents. The context deals with the billions of naira donated to the proposed IBB Presidential Library. Commentators have also queried the assemblage of the movers and shakers of Nigeria at the event. Unlike the negative framing of the actors, I saw an intergenerational structure of power, authority and influence in the hall. My sociological lens saw the harmony of opposites based on the intersection of interests. In the game of power, ‘the elephants’ only pretend to be fighting one another, but their intention is to make the grass suffer. Through the event, I saw how the rich and powerful sustain their power bases by building bridges.

Critics think that some attendees betrayed the memories of June 12 by associating with those who annulled the election. I also experienced the negative consequences of the annulment—from the protests, arrests and violence leading to disrupted livelihoods to deaths and destruction of property. We were teargassed several times. People got brutalised. Buying and selling in my part of Ibadan was difficult. Nobody fought to eat a balanced diet. Our only saviour was my father’s maize farm – we ate boiled maize, roasted maize and made ewa alagbado. Many were not so lucky. Despite this, I am more inclined to engage in the social interactions and behind-the-scenes processes, negotiations and compromises leading to the coups, the civil war, and the June 12 annulment as presented by the autobiographer.

In his 2023 journal article, The Autobiographical Self as an Object for Sociological Enquiry, Ghanaian Sociologist, Michael Okyerefo, noted, “(Auto)biographies are not accidental products; instead, they are shaped by the social world which gives birth to them. Societies inherently impact an individual’s life by means of their very social structures, which are themselves created through the interaction of social actors within and across a society’s history.” By this, Okyerefo implies that autobiographies are materials of deep social knowledge of the past, the present and the future strictly from the lens of the author. Okyerefo asks, “What else would an (auto)biographical reflection be if not to discover the intricacies of the relationship between individual and structural forces? Individual predicaments on the one hand, and individual pleasure on the other hand? Can we then make sense out of the autobiography?”

Through the book, the Nigerian army represents the microcosm of Nigeria—its influence, the ethnic dimensions to social relations, loyalty and betrayal and the attendant rewards and punishment. We can see from the book the social structures of power and the politics of decision-making. Babangida unveils the existence of cabals in the Army and the powers they wield(ed) in determining who led and how they arrived at the power-sharing arrangements. At one time, he was a mentee, learning the game and how to navigate the structures and access power. At another time, he became a mentor and beneficiary of a coup and power broker.

Babangida constructs himself as a ‘born-again’ by taking responsibility for the June 12 annulment, though he heaps the blame on late ‘General Sanni Abacha’ as the brain behind it. On page 275, we learn of two opposing forces within the military—those opposed to the transition and those in support of it. He states, “…the possibility of annulment that could lead to fresh elections was loosely broached in passing. But annulment was only a component of a series of other options. But to suddenly have an announcement made without my authority was, to put it mildly, alarming. I remember saying: ‘These nefarious ‘inside’ forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me!’ I would later find out that the ‘forces’ led by General Sani Abacha annulled the elections…I regrettably take responsibility.” By presenting himself as ‘helpless’, he reduces the extent to which he can be blamed for the annulment. Instead, he lets us know that formidable structures exist that may outsmart the president.

Good enough, IBB’s book ended the speculations on the true winner of the June 12 election. He supplied the results, which indicated that Kashimawo Olawale Abiola won. However, did not believe that Abiola would be an effective president if elected. “There were times when, deep down inside me, even I feared that Abiola might not be an effective president.” (page, 276). IBB described Abiola’s associates in the army as ‘coup plotting friends’ (page, 278) who pushed him and deceived him into the tragedy.

Since the return of democracy, any debate on the oneness of Nigeria and Sharia law is regarded as ‘no go area’. For instance, the 567-member Constituent Assembly asked to design a new Constitution for future governments of Nigeria to operate faced the challenge in 1988. IBB states on page 256, “The disagreements over the Sharia issue were so fractious that on November 28, 1988, we had to ask that Sharia be removed from their deliberations. Only then was the Assembly able to settle down to its deliberations.” That Nigeria remains indivisible appears to be of priority to the military establishment, who felt that they used their blood to keep Nigeria one during the civil war.

IBB informs us that the reward for loyalty in service is political appointment; death is the reward for a betrayer. Insiders, friends and close aides collaborated in edging out their bosses in coup deta’ts. In the game of power, enemies are wiped out totally. Even in the modern-day Pentecostal firebrand prayers, enemies are not given opportunities to repent. They want their enemies to die by fire! How many of us will spare enemies when we know it is likely to cost us our lives? This is the lens through which the author sees the killing of those he identified as ‘his friends’ but who conspired with enemies to oust him from power. The wages of failed coups are death. He nails it!

Commentators described IBB as a ‘coward’ who should have sacrificed himself for the emergence of the June 12 winner. I think they missed the point of being marshalled by the ‘evil genius’. IBB tells us that signing to die in the army does not imply that they should die when they have the opportunity to live. Don’t we also say those who fight and run live to fight another day? His position within his family shaped some of his decisions, which limited the number of risks he was willing to take. After he was wounded at the war front and was rushed to Lagos Hospital, Idi-Araba, he watched on television the marriage of General Yakubu Gowon.

He reasoned that “being the only surviving male child of my parents, I was greatly troubled by the thought that had I died, that would have been the end of my family name and line”. At 28 years old, after leaving the hospital, he rushed to marry Maria, who later converted to Maryam. Thus, even in his quest for power, his family obligation and safety remain paramount. He could not have died for democracy or for a person he knew romanced his “coup plotting” friends in the army.

The book is not to please our perspectives. It is written from the perspective of the author—how he saw it and how he wants us to see it. While the book may not have contained all stories that readers would have wanted, it nonetheless enriches our understanding of the historical forces that shape our contemporary realities; it immortalises the author by allowing us to go on a journey into his service years to understand the inner lives of power holders and the hidden parts of our history.

•Tade, a professor of criminology and security studies, writes via dotad2003@yahoo.com

 

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